864: Caroline Rose | Captagon and the New Age of Narco-Diplomacy

Captagon: A Drug Funding Organized Crime and Genocidal Regimes

00:00 - 1:07:32

• Captagon is a drug that is taking over huge parts of the world, especially the Middle East, funding organized crime and genocidal regimes.
• Captagon is an amphetamine-type stimulant originally produced in the 1960s for weight loss and attention deficit.
• In the mid-1980s, Captagon was scheduled by the World Health Organization due to health concerns.
• The original formula of Captagon was called phenathylene, but today it can be made into whatever form desired.
• Captagon consumption is primarily confined to the Arab Gulf region.
• Methamphetamine is prevalent in North Korea due to its ease of production and usefulness for manual labor.
• Captagon has dual appeal in the Middle East, being used by those facing economic and political crises as well as youth populations seeking recreational use.
• There is limited data on the health effects and deaths related to Captagon due to lack of reporting and stigma.
• The concern with Captagon lies not only in its impact but also in the actors profiteering from the trade, such as regime officials aligned with Assad and Hezbollah.
• The trade helps regimes undercut sanctions, strengthens illicit networks, and poses governance issues.
• Syria's civil war and desperate need for revenue make it an ideal environment for organized crime networks to thrive.
• Organized crime networks in war zones behave like a cancer, spreading their influence and engaging in various illicit activities such as human trafficking, arms smuggling, and drug trade.
• These criminal networks are not bound by moral considerations or allegiance to governments; they simply seek financial gain from any source available.
• The presence of state actors like Hezbollah further complicates the situation, as they have the resources and networks to sustain large-scale illicit trades.
• Hezbollah operates primarily in Lebanon but also has a presence in southern Syria. They collaborate closely with the Syrian regime and have alliances with Iran.
• The spread of illicit trades undermines rule of law globally and gives state actors leverage over their regional neighbors.
• State actors like Syria can use armed smuggling gangs as a pressure tactic against weaker neighboring countries, causing border conflicts and diverting resources towards border security.
• However, this strategy can backfire when it disrupts normalization initiatives between countries, as seen with Jordan's reaction to captagon smuggling operations from Syria.
• The captagon trade is estimated to provide significant funding to the Syrian regime, potentially surpassing their legitimate exports by multiple times.
• The drug trade in Syria is estimated to be worth $5.7 billion, which is larger than their legitimate product exports.
• Most of the drug trade in Syria comes from industrial-sized captagon shipments.
• There are smaller labs popping up in Lebanon and Jordan, but the majority is still concentrated inside Syria.
• Estimates for the entire size of the drug trade range from $10 billion to larger amounts.
• It's difficult to determine exactly how much money the regime is making from the drug trade due to its expansion and involvement of more networks.
• The drug trade in Syria is a huge alternative revenue source that is extremely lucrative.
• The cocaine trade is estimated to be around $110-130 billion, making the Syrian drug trade roughly 10% of that.
• The production of drugs like captagon on an industrial scale requires massive facilities and factories.
• Syria was one of the largest pharmaceutical hubs in the region in the 1970s and 80s.
• Syria was a major importer of pseudo-ephedrine, a drug used for cough and cold medicine.
• CAPTIGON production sites were large-scale and required advanced smuggling techniques.
• 84 million CAPTIGON pills were confiscated in Italy with a street value of a billion dollars.
• The destination markets for CAPTIGON may include the Gulf and potentially Africa.
• Evidence suggests that CAPTIGON has been stored in Libya and seized in Nigeria.
• Italian mafia groups are working with Syrian regime-aligned actors to receive drug shipments.
• Shipping CAPTIGON to Europe and then back to the Gulf helps avoid suspicion.
• There is concern that mafia groups may develop a market for CAPTIGON in Europe.
• Europe could be targeted as a market for captagon
• Smuggling methods include hiding captagon in fruit, such as pomegranates and oranges
• Capsules have also been disguised as chickpeas and hidden inside lemons
• Other smuggling methods include using fake oranges, packaging it in the carcasses of livestock, and hiding it inside olive oil containers or car parts
• The manual labor involved in some smuggling methods is enormous
• There may be advanced techniques and machines used for smuggling captagon
• Seizures have included finding captagon inside canned lids and washing machines
• Finding hidden drugs in shipments is extremely difficult for law enforcement.
• There is a lack of coordination and distrust among neighbors, hindering effective tip-offs.
• The revenue generated from CAPTAGON production and trafficking is significant.
• It is challenging to determine the exact amount of revenue due to various factors.
• CAPTAGON production involves different groups, including tribal entities and narco entrepreneurs.
• Some government officials, such as Bashar al-Assad's relatives, are implicated in CAPTAGON production and trafficking.
• The fourth division of Syria's security apparatus has been associated with CAPTAGON production and trafficking.
• The Assad regime in Syria is intertwined with smuggling and organized crime
• Various sectors in Syria are involved in the production and distribution of Captagon
• The Syrian government conducts small seizures to maintain plausible deniability
• Syria imported 50 tons of pseudoephedrine, a key ingredient for Captagon production
• Syria imports a significant amount of pseudoephedrine, a precursor for Captagon production.
• The scale of imports is comparable to Switzerland's pharmaceutical industry.
• The import levels have remained unchanged since the Civil War began.
• There are likely stockpiles of precursor materials from before the war.
• Syria has large production facilities in areas less affected by violence.
• In Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Captagon pills can cost between $10 and $25 per pill.
• Lexus variant of Captagon is popular in Saudi Arabia.
• Pills with smaller concentrations of amphetamine exist as cheaper alternatives.
• Pills with different colors and appearances are emerging, indicating potential health risks.
• Closer to production sites, different variants of Captagon pills are more popular.
• International cooperation with Syria is difficult due to its dictatorship and control over the drug trade.
• Interpol accepted Syria into their red notice alert system, allowing them to request arrests internationally.
• Interpol has included the Syrian regime in counter-narcotics policy dialogues and operations like Operation Lionfish that focus on Captagon.
• Some countries in the region are considering normalizing relations with Syria despite its involvement in the drug trade.
• The regime may see an incentive to continue the drug trade while normalizing relations for revenue and legitimacy purposes.
• Dictators prioritize funding their military and staying in power over diplomatic relations with neighbors.
• Offering financial packages to replace Captagon revenues would likely be accepted by the regime.
• The UN and Interpol's approach to Syria is questionable and lacks effectiveness.
• Inviting the Syrian regime to negotiate on Captagon interdictions is a step too far.
• Transatlantic cooperation between the US, UK, and EU on targeting individual Captagon producers and traffickers is encouraging.
• There is an appetite for greater regional cooperation in addressing the Captagon trade.
• Recognition of Captagon as a significant challenge has increased, but normalizing the Syrian regime complicates matters.
• Positive outcomes may include improved drug cooperation between European countries, Africa, the Middle East, and the United States.